부끄러움을 공유하며 - 중국 국제주의자들의 편지,Sharing the Shame 与有耻焉：A Letter from Internationalists in China 来自中国大陆国际主义者的一封信

부끄러움을 공유하며 - 중국 국제주의자들의 편지

2022. 3. 3. 16:04

[번역자의 말: 아래는 중국의 어느 국제주의자 그룹이 최근 러시아의 우크라이나 침략 전쟁과 관련하여 <chuang>(闯)이라는 언론매체에 보낸 편지를 중문과 영문을 함께 참조해 번역한 것이다. 원문은 다음 주소에서 확인할 수 있다.]

https://chuangcn.org/2022/03/letter-from-china-ukraine/

 


 

부끄러움을 공유하며
중국 대륙 국제주의자들로부터의 편지
 

번역: 박민희(한겨레 기자), 정규식(성공회대 연구교수)

 

 

1.

우리는 국제주의자로서 러시아의 침략에 대해 명백히 반대하며, NATO(북대서양조약기구)의 무절제한 확장에도 반대한다. 우리가 지지하는 것은 우크라이나 정부가 아니라, 어떠한 제국주의의 간섭도 받지 않을 우크라이나 인민의 권리이다.

 

푸틴은 돈바스 지역 두 공화국의 ‘독립’을 지지하면서, 그곳의 인민들이 우크라이나 정부의 침해를 받지 않도록 보호하겠다고 선언했다. 지난 8년간 줄곧 끝없는 전쟁 속에 살아온 돈바스 인민들이 원하는 것은 푸틴이 지금 벌이는 무제한의 전쟁 확대가 아니라 평화이다. 우리는 우크라이나 정부의 현지인에 대한 박해를 부정하지 않으며, 우크라이나에 (러시아와 마찬가지로) 신나치 집단이 존재함을 부정하지도 않는다. 더욱이 돈바스 지역 인민들의 무장투쟁에 진보적이고 반파시즘적인 요소가 존재함을 부정하지 않는다. 그러나 만약 푸틴 정권이 자신이 공언한 것처럼 정말로 돈바스 지역 인민을 보호할 목적이었다면, 우리는 다음과 같은 사실을 명확히 짚어야만 한다. 과연 얼마나 많은 돈바스 인민의 진정한 대표자들이 위대한 러시아 쇼비니스트들과 푸틴 정권의 배후세력에 의해 죽었는가?

 

지난 10년간 푸틴 대통령과 그의 추종자들이 유럽 극우세력의 가장 강력한 지지자였다는 점을 고려하면, 우크라이나의 ‘탈나치화’는 더욱이 우스갯소리에 불과하다. 러시아의 우크라이나 침공은 우크라이나 내부의 급진민족주의 세력을 강화하고 공고히 할 뿐이다. 푸틴 대통령은 우크라이나가 레닌과 소련에 의해 건설된 국가라는 인식을 확산시키려 했지만, 다른 진보단체들이 지적했듯이 현존하는 ‘민족국가’ 중에서 건설의 산물이 아닌 것이 있는가? 푸틴이 진정으로 원하는 것은 ‘탈공산화’라는 미명하에 단일민족 러시아 제국을 재건하겠다는 자신의 야심을 숨긴 채, 우크라이나의 주권국가 지위와 민족 정체성을 말살하려는 것에 불과하다. 레닌이 견지한 민족자결주의 원칙(모든 민족의 평등 및 분리의 자유 포함)이 없었다면, 우크라이나는 현재의 국경을 형성하지 못했을 것이다. 그러나 푸틴이 감히 인정하지 않는 것은, 이러한 원칙이 없었다면 소련은 처음부터 가맹국들의 신뢰를 얻지 못했을 것이며, 역사상 70년 동안 지속된 사회주의 공화국 연맹은 애초에 존재할 수 없었다는 사실이다.

 

현실에서 작동하는 지정학적 힘 앞에서는 어떠한 수사도 위선적이고 연약하다. 지난 수십 년간 ‘제노사이드’ 등 인권과 관련된 화법은 서방 국가가 일으킨 전쟁을 정당화하기 위해 자주 이용되었는데, 이런 개념과 대립면에 있는 것처럼 보였던 러시아가 이번 돈바스 문제에 대해서는 정확히 같은 화법을 사용하고 있지 않은가? 이와는 반대로 미국이 이번에 우크라이나의 ‘주권 완전 불가침’을 지지한 것은, 바로 과거 그의 대립 진영들이 했던 전쟁 반대의 화법이 아닌가? 마찬가지로 우리는 인권을 이유로 툭하면 제재에 나섰던 미국이 팔레스타인을 점령하고 인종차별 정책을 시행하는 이스라엘에 대해서는 과연 어떤 제재를 하고 있는지 질문할 필요가 있다. 또 예멘 침공으로 막대한 인도주의적 재앙을 초래한 사우디아라비아에 대한 제재는 어디에 있는가? 기존의 많은 분석이 지적하듯이 경제제재가 푸틴 정권의 전쟁 기계를 위한 자금 조달 능력을 약화시킬 수 있다는 것은 말할 필요도 없다. 그러나 경제제재가 러시아의 엘리트 권력자들에게 주는 충격은 제한적이며, 오히려 평범한 민중의 삶을 더욱 힘들게 할 것이다. 분명한 사실은 독재자는 인민들이 고통을 받든 말든 전혀 개의치 않는다는 것이다.

 

2.

우리는 분명히 해야 한다. 이번 전쟁은 러시아인들과 우크라이나인들 사이의 전쟁이 아니라, 푸틴과 바이든, 그리고 그들 뒤의 강대국들 사이의 전쟁일 뿐이다. 어떤 승자도 없고, 셀 수 없이 많은 희생자만 만들어낼 전쟁이다.

 

이것은 소박한 정의를 가진 인민과 권력을 숭배하는 국가기관 사이의 전쟁이다. 러시아에서는 무수히 많은 사람이 전쟁 반대에 나서고 있다. 사람들은 하나같이 전쟁에 동의하지 않는다는 견해를 드러내면 감옥에 갈 수 있다는 걸 잘 알고 있다. 정권은 비상상황을 이용해 반대자들을 더욱 억압하고 있다. 하지만 수치심과 분노를 느낀 수많은 러시아인이 계속해서 거리로 나서고 있고, 푸틴이 (우크라이나를) 침공한 첫날(2월 24일) 시위에 나섰다가 1,700명 이상이 경찰에 체포되었다. 러시아 인민들은 당국의 광범위한 부패, 에너지 올리가르히(재벌)들과의 결탁, 민주주의에 대한 조작, 반대자들을 억압하기 위해 깡패를 동원하는 것을 우려하면서도 그들의 정부에 맞서 이미 여러 해 동안 보이지 않는 전쟁을 벌여왔다. 그렇기에 푸틴 정권에 반대하는 시위는 이 전쟁에만 국한된 것이 아니다. 어떤 정권이 국내에서 독재와 압제를 하고 있으면서, 동시에 뻔뻔스럽게 대외적으로 다른 민족을 해방시키겠다고 선전하는 것은 얼마나 황당하고 가소로운 일인가?

 

이것은 전장에서만 벌어지는 전쟁이 아니라, 온라인에서 벌어지는 정보 전쟁이기도 하다. 인민은 국가에 의해 대표되고, 같은 정보와 개념도 각각의 진영에 따라 완전히 상반되는 의미가 되거나, 다른 선입견들의 인질이 되어버린다. 따라서 흥분과 불안 속에서 이런 왜곡된 생각들이 전쟁의 바람을 타고 국경 너머로 퍼져나간다. 중국에 살면서 우리는 관영언론들이 터무니없이 ‘인지전’(cognitive warfare)이라고 칭하는 황당한 환경 속에 처해 있다. 중국 정부는 한편에선 평화를 옹호하고, 다른 한편에서는 러시아와의 관계를 강화하려는 애매한 태도 때문에 국제사회에서 비난을 받고 있다. 여러 해에 걸쳐 진행된 주류 언론의 선전과 점점 더 강력해지고 있는 검열 아래에서, 중국 네티즌들은 전쟁과 푸틴의 가장 요란한 지지자로 비춰지고 있는 불행한 상황이다. 진보적인 반전의 목소리는 침묵을 강요당하고 있고, 시위 참여자는 처벌을 받는다. 이에 대해 우리는 죄책감을 느끼며, 동시에 도덕과 양심을 돌보지 않고 진실과 거짓을 뒤바꿔버린 매스컴을 규탄한다. 정부는 다시 또 ‘지록위마(指鹿为马)’하고 있다. 이는 우크라이나에 대한 러시아의 침공이 시작되기 전까지 중국 사회에서 가장 큰 여론의 논란을 불러일으킨 사건(수십 년 동안 성노예로 취급당하고 고문을 당한, 수많은 인신매매 피해 여성들의 상황이 폭로되면서 온 나라가 충격을 받았던 사건)에서 관방 언론이 보인 반응과 같다. 이런 범죄는 지방 정부의 공모로 이미 사회적 규범이 되었다.

 

앞으로 긴 시간 우리는 일종의 이원대립과 감정의 분열, ‘상식’이 더는 통하지 않는 탈진실의 상황을 마주하게 될 것이다. 이러한 감정의 분열은 공적인 삶의 영역에서 ‘상식’의 역할을 대체할 것이다. 우리는 자신의 운명을 스스로 결정하려는 우크라이나 인민들의 권리를 지지하며, 러시아 민중(그리고 그밖에 다른 권위주의 정권이 지배하는 지역에 사는 민중)들이 정부에 이견을 표현하고, 침략 당한 사람들과 연대를 건설하고자 하는 권리를 지지한다. ‘부끄러움(Shame)’이란 최근 러시아에서 저항에 나선 민중들이 거리의 반전 시위에서 외친 중요한 구호이다. 이에 중국의 국제주의자들인 우리 역시, 그 부끄러움을 공유한다.

 

3.

우크라이나의 인민들은 그들 자신의 의지를 갖고 있다. 그들에겐 서구 또는 동방의 제국주의적 간섭 없이 스스로의 운명을 결정할 권리가 있다. 그들은 ‘보호’ 또는 ‘구원’이라는 명목으로 행해지는 가해와 약탈로부터도 자유로워야 한다. 하지만 동시에 우리는 국제정치의 복잡성과 잔혹함도 이해해야 한다. 특히 우크라이나 인민들이 두 제국 사이에 끼어 반인류적인 전쟁과 침공, 심지어 핵무기의 위협까지 당하는 상황에서는 특히 그러하다.

 

현재의 긴박한 상황 하에서 중립은 위선이다. 러시아의 침략 전쟁은 이미 그 세찬 기세를 막기 어려운 상태이고, 그렇다면 우크라이나인들이 스스로를 방어하기 위해 전쟁에 나서는 것에 반대하는 것은 희생자들과 함께 한다는 반전 활동가들의 주장과 모순된다. 우리는 나라를 지키려는 우크라이나인들, 목숨 걸고 정권에 대항하고 있는 러시아인들과 벨라루스인들, 평화를 열망하고 전쟁을 비난하는 전 세계의 민중들과 함께 해야 한다. 국제사회는 우크라이나 인민들의 요구를 존중하고 응답해 실질적인 지원을 해야 하며, 거기에는 우리도 마땅히 함께 해야 한다. NATO 군대는 상황을 바꾸지 못할 것이며, 세계대전의 가능성만 높일 뿐이다. 이는 우리가 가장 바라지 않는 결과다. 일찍이 베트남 전쟁 기간 반전 운동에 나섰던 선배들이 우리에게 가르쳐주었다. 책임감 있는 반제국주의자들은 미국에 맞서기 위해 소련의 참전을 요구하지 않았다. 하지만 그들은 베트남의 저항 역량을 강화하기 위한 소련의 무기 지원을 지지했다. 오늘날 우리에게는 사이버 기술이라는 무기가 있다. 해커 그룹들은 러시아 정부의 웹사이트와 주류 언론들을 파괴하고 있고, 온라인상의 지도 사이트들은 러시아 지상군의 진격을 방해하면서, 여론의 장에서 침공당한 이들과 단결하고 있다. 이러한 노력들은 이번 전쟁에서 진보주의의 사이버 공간을 형성하고 있다. 국제주의자들은 침략자들에 맞서 싸우기 위해 정의로운 저항 전쟁에 나선 이들을 지원할 기본적 의무가 있다.

 

마법으로 마법을 소멸시킬 수는 없다. 우리가 요구하는 것은 순간적인 반전의 열정이나, 더 깊고 보이지 않는 갈등을 은폐하는 종류의 정전이 아니라, 냉전적 사유와 수사적 표현을 버리고, 실질적으로 우크라이나와 더 넓은 범위의 평화를 재건하기 위한 노력이다. 나아가 모든 철권통치와 국가의 패권을 거부하고, 전쟁에 대한 모든 환상을 근본적으로 뿌리 뽑는 것이다.

 

중국대륙의 국제주의자들(中国大陆的一群国际主义者)

2022년 3월 1일

 

 

Sharing the Shame 与有耻焉：A Letter from Internationalists in China 来自中国大陆国际主义者的一封信

by chuang | Mar 2, 2022 | Blog | 5 comments

 

 

As noted in our previous post, the Chinese state and social media platforms have been censoring some of the content critical of the Russian invasion of Ukraine (although this has been inconsistent, as the state itself has yet to take a clear stance on the matter). Meanwhile we received the following letter from an anonymous group that identifies as mainland Chinese internationalists. It provides a good window into how the recent conflict has been perceived within the Chinese left. As with other reports and translations that we’ve published, the position laid out here belongs to the authors. Though we are sympathetic to the sentiment, it should be clear from the language and framing used in the piece that this is not a statement from Chuang and should not be portrayed as such. One of our goals has been to help increase the visibility of other groups and individuals in China that have been grappling with similar concerns, so we are glad to be able to host the following letter. (Scroll down for the original Chinese.)1

 

中文原文见本页底部

 

1.

 

As internationalists, we are firmly against the invasion by Russia, to the same degree that we are against NATO’s reckless expansion. What we’re in support of is not the Ukrainian government, but the right of the Ukrainian people to be free from any imperialist interference.

 

Putin has backed the indepence of the two republics in Donbas, claiming to protect the people there from the Ukrainian government. Undeniably, over the past eight years, the residents of Donbas have been living in endless wars. What the people there are yearning for is peace, rather than what Putin has been doing, i.e., infinitely expanding the war. We will not deny the persecution of the local people by the Ukrainian government, nor will we deny the presence of neo-Nazis in Ukraine (just like in Russia), nor will we deny the existence of progressive, anti-fascist efforts in the armed struggle of the people of the Donbas region. But if Putin’s regime really means to protect the people of Donbas, as he has been claiming, we will have to make it clear: how many of those who are representative of the people of Donbas have died at the hands of the Great Russia chauvinists and Putin’s back-stabbing army?

 

The “de-Nazification” of Ukraine sounds more like a joke, considering that Putin and his followers have been the strongest supporters of the European far-right for the past decade. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine will only boost and reinforce radical nationalism within the country. Putin wants to popularize the idea that Ukraine is a country constructed by Lenin and the Soviet Union. However, as other progressive groups have pointed out, which existing nation-state is not the product of construction? In the name of “decommunization”, what Putin really desires is to erase Ukraine’s sovereignty and even its national identity while concealing his ambition to rebuild a monoethnic Russian empire. It is true that Ukraine would not have formed its current borders without the Leninist principle of national self-determination – including the equality of nationalities and the freedom to political secession. But what Putin does not dare to admit is that without such a principle, the Soviet Union would not have gained the trust of its constituent republics from the beginning, and the 70-year union of Socialist republics could not have existed at all.

 

Rhetoric is hypocritical and fragile in the face of real geopolitical forces. For the past decades, concerns for “human rights” and “genocide” are frequently used to justify wars started by the West. Didn’t Russia, seemingly on the opposite side, use precisely the same rhetoric in the case of Donbas? Likewise, for the United States, which was quick to impose sanctions based on human rights considerations, where are the sanctions against Israel, at a time when it is occupying Palestine and imposing apartheid? Where are the sanctions against Saudi Arabia, which is still invading Yemen and causing a huge humanitarian disaster? Not to mention that many analyses have long pointed out that economic sanctions, while they may indeed weaken the Russian regime’s ability to fund its war machine, will impose a greater impact on ordinary people than on Russia’s powerful elite. What is clear is that the dictator never cares whether his people suffer.

 

2.

 

This is not a war between the Russians and the Ukrainians. It is a war between Putin and Biden and the superpowers behind them. It is a war that will have no victor but which will create countless victims.

 

It is a war between the people with simple justice and a state that worships power. In Russia, we see countless anti-war voices from common people. They are not fearless. Everyone is deeply aware that they are risking arrest for holding “No War” banners high, that any expression of dissenting opinions might land them in prison, that the regime is taking advantage of the emergency to further its suppression of dissidents, and that more than 1,700 people were taken away by police for protesting the first day when Putin launched the invasion. That said, shame and fury has driven countless Russian people out onto the streets again and again. The protest against Putin’s regime is not limited to this specific war, if we realize that Russian people had already been engaged in an invisible war against their government for many years concerning Moscow’s widespread corruption, the collusion with energy oligarchs, the manipulation of democracy, and the use of gangsters to attack the opposition. How absurd is it for a regime to claim that it can rescue another nation while at the same time repressing its own people?

 

This is not just a war on the ground, but also an information war online. People end up being represented by their states, and the same information or concept might have completely opposite meanings for different camps, or be held hostage by different preconceptions. Then, in frenzy and anxiety, these warped ideas float out across borders on the winds of war. Living in China, we have found ourselves in an absurd situation of what the state media ironically call “cognitive warfare”. The Chinese government has been condemned by the international community for its ambiguous attitude: advocating for peace on the one hand, while strengthening its ties with Russia on the other. Meanwhile, under the propaganda of the mainstream media and increasingly stronger censorship over many years, Chinese netizens are unfortunately seen at this time by the world as the biggest and loudest supporters of war and of Putin. Progressive anti-war voices are muted, and protesters are punished. Ashamed as we are, we strongly condemn the propaganda machine that, once again, “points to a deer and calls it a horse.” At the time when the Russian invasion had just begun, our government was busy persecuting its own population in one of the biggest public opinion crises China has seen in recent years. The entire nation was shocked by revelations of countless cases of trafficked women, who had been tortured and treated as sex slaves for decades. These crimes had evolved into a social norm with the collusion of local governments.

 

We will be living in the post-truth era for a long time to come, in which emotional divisions will take the role of “common sense” in public life. Therefore, we defend the right of the Ukrainian people to determine their own destiny, and the right of the Russian people and others living under authoritarian regimes to express disagreements with their governments, as well as to demonstrate solidarity with those who have been invaded. “Shame” has been a common sentiment expressed from Russia in the recent anti-war rallies on the streets and on the Internet. And we, the Chinese internationalists, share the shame.

 

3.

 

The Ukrainian people have their own wills, and they have the right to decide their own destiny without interference from Western or Eastern imperialism. They should be freed from any harm done in the name of “protection” or “rescue”. But at the same time, we must understand the complexity and cruelty of international politics, especially when the Ukrainian people are caught between two empires, facing the war against humanity, invasion, and even the threat of nuclear weapons.

 

Neutrality is hypocritical under the pressing conditions of the day. Russia’s war of aggression has become unstoppable, so opposing Ukraine’s war of self-defense would contradict the anti-war activists’ claim to stand with the victims. We must stand with the Ukrainian people who are defending their country, with the Russian and Belarusian people who are risking their lives to protest against their respective states, and with people around the world who are thirsting for peace and condemning war. The international community must respect and respond to the demands of the Ukrainian people and offer practical help, and that should include us. We believe that NATO troops will not change the situation, and will only increase the chance of a world war – which is the last thing we want to see. We share the view with our predecessors, responsible anti-imperialists, who, in the anti-war movements during the Vietnam War, did not call for the Soviet Union’s interference to counter the U.S. force, but supported its assistance of arms delivery to the Vietnamese resistance. Today, there are also cyber weapons. Hacker groups disrupting Russian government websites and mainstream media, online mapping sites interfering with the march of Russian ground troops, and public opinion arenas of solidarity with the invaded. These efforts are together shaping the cyber terrain of progressivism in this war. Internationalists have a basic duty to support those who are swept up into just wars of resistance to fight against the invaders.

 

You cannot destroy magic with magic. What we are calling for is not fleeting anti-war passion or a kind of cease-fire that conceals more profound and invisible conflicts, but the abandonment of cold war logics and rhetorical performances. Practical efforts should be made to rebuild peace in Ukraine and beyond, to reject all strongman politics and state hegemony, and to uproot any illusions about war.

 

A group of internationalists from mainland China, March 1st, 2022

 

“与有耻焉”

 

来自中国大陆国际主义者的一封信

 

1.

 

作为国际主义者，我们旗帜鲜明地反对俄罗斯的侵略，也反对北约的无节制扩张。我们支持的并非乌克兰政府，而是乌克兰人民不受任何帝国主义干涉的权利。

 

普京扶持顿巴斯的两个共和国“独立”，宣称要保护那里的人民不受乌克兰政府侵害。八年以来，顿巴斯人的确一直活在无尽的战争之中，那里的人民想要的是和平，而非普京此刻在做的无限度扩大战争。我们不会否认乌政府对当地人民的迫害，也不会否认乌克兰境内——正如在俄罗斯境内一样——存在着新纳粹分子，更不会否认顿巴斯地区人民的武装斗争中存在进步的、反法西斯主义的成分。但如果普京政权真如自己所宣称、旨在保护顿巴斯地区的人民，我们就不得不与他算一笔账：那些真正代表顿巴斯人民的力量，究竟有多少死于大俄罗斯沙文主义者与普京政权的背刺？

 

为乌克兰“去纳粹化”更像是一个笑话，过去十年来，普京和他的同僚们一直是欧洲极右翼最有力的后盾。而俄罗斯对乌克兰的入侵只会加强和巩固乌克兰内部的激进民族主义势力。普京想要普及一个观念，即乌克兰是一个被列宁和苏联建构出来的国家，可是，正如其它进步团体指出的，哪一个现有的“民族国家”又不是被建构出的呢？借助“去共产化”的口号，普京不过是要抹杀乌克兰主权国家地位乃至民族身份，掩盖自己重建全俄罗斯帝国的野心。没有列宁所坚持的民族自决原则——包括各民族平等以及分离的自由，乌克兰也许确实不会形成现有的国界。但普京不敢承认的是，没有这样的原则，苏联甚至从一开始就不会得到各加盟共和国的信任，那个历史上延续70年之久的社会主义共和国联盟压根就无法存在。

 

在地缘政治的驱动力面前，任何修辞都显得虚伪而孱弱。在过去几十年间，“种族灭绝”等人权话语经常成为西方国家发起战争的合法性措辞，而看似站在这些概念对立面的俄罗斯，这一次不是恰恰在顿巴斯问题使用了同样的话语吗？相反，美国此次支持乌克兰“主权完整不可侵犯”，不恰恰是以往对立阵营反对其战争的话语吗？我们同样要质问，对动辄以人权考量施加制裁的美国来说，对占领巴勒斯坦实施种族隔离的以色列的制裁在哪里？对于入侵也门造成巨大人道主义灾难的沙特的制裁在哪里？遑论许多分析早已指出，经济制裁尽管在一些地方确实可能削弱了普京政权为其战争机器提供资金的能力，然而它对俄罗斯权贵冲击有限，却将使普通民众的生活雪上加霜。显而易见的是，独裁者从不在乎他的人民是否受苦。

 

2.

 

我们必须明了，这不是俄罗斯人和乌克兰人之间的战争，而是普京和拜登及各自所代言的超级权力之间的战争，这是没有胜利者但有无尽受害者的战争。

 

这是葆有朴素正义的人民与崇拜强权的国家机器之间的战争。在俄罗斯，无数人正在反战，人们并非不害怕——每个人都深知表达不同意见会导致被囚于狱中的命运，政权正在借助紧急状态加剧对异见者的打压。然而，羞耻与愤怒使数不清的人一再走上街头，即便反战抗议第一天就有超过1700人被抓捕。俄罗斯人民对普京政权的抗议并不局限于这场战争，官员普遍性的腐败、与能源寡头的勾连、操纵民主以及动用黑帮清理反对派。一个政权在对内实行专制和压榨的同时，却大言不惭地对外宣称要去解救其他民族，这是多么地荒谬和可笑。

 

它不只是地面上的战争，也是一场赛博世界的信息战。人民被国家代表，信息在不同阵营被重塑、或至少被既有认知所裹挟，狂热与焦灼都随战争延伸出国界线。身在中国，我们处于被喉舌媒体讽刺地称为“认知战”的荒诞情境，中国政府在这场战争中态度暧昧因而被国际社会谴责，在主流媒体多年来的宣传和密不透风的审查制度下，进步的反战声援被销声，中国网友也很遗憾地以显眼的战争和普京的支持者形象被世界看见。我们对此感到抱歉并谴责罔顾道德良知、颠倒认知黑白的官方宣传机器。政府再一次“指鹿为马”，正如在俄罗斯侵略乌克兰的战争爆发前中国社会中最大的舆论事件——无法统计数目的被拐卖妇女几十年间在政府的默许下沦为性奴和生育机器——中他们的反应一样。

 

在未来很长一段时间，我们都将面临一种二元对立、情感割裂、“常识”不再生效的后真相状况。我们捍卫乌克兰民众决定自己命运的权利，也捍卫俄罗斯民众（以及其它生活在威权主义地区民众）表达对自己政府异见、与受侵略者建立团结的权利。“耻辱”是俄罗斯抗争民众近日在街头反战集会中最重要的口号，而我们，中国的国际主义者，“与有耻焉”。

 

3.

 

乌克兰人民有自己的意志，他们拥有不受来自西方或东方帝国主义的干涉、自行决定自己国家命运的权利，不需要任何以“保护”或“拯救”为名的伤害与掠夺。但同时，我们必须理解国际政治的复杂性与残酷性，尤其当乌克兰人民正夹在两大帝国之间，面临着反人类的战争、入侵甚至核弹威胁。

 

面对当下的紧迫情况，标榜中立是伪善的。俄罗斯的侵略战争已经势不可挡，那么反对乌克兰的自卫战争不仅可耻，也与反战者宣称的与受害者站在一起的立场自相矛盾。我们必须与捍卫家国的乌克兰人民同在，与冒着风险抗议强权的俄罗斯与白罗斯人民同在，与世界各地渴求和平反对战争的人民同在。国际社会必须尊重与回应乌克兰人民提出的要求并给予实际的帮助，这其中也应当包含我们。北约的出兵不会改变局面，只会增加世界大战的可能性——这绝不是我们想要看到的。早年经历过越战反战动员的前辈以他们的经验告诉我们，负责任的反帝国主义者并没有呼吁苏联参战以对抗美国入侵越南，但他们都支持苏联向越南抵抗力量增加武器输送。而在今天，我们的武器还有赛博技术——无论是黑客团体对俄罗斯政府网站和主流媒体的破坏、线上地图网站对俄罗斯地面部队行进的干扰，还是舆论场上与受侵略者的团结，都在形塑这场战争中进步主义的赛博地貌。支援 被迫卷入正义战争的人 与侵略者作战 是一项基本的国际主义义务。

 

魔法无法消灭魔法，我们呼唤的不是昙花一现的反战激情与掩耳盗铃的和平，而是放弃冷战思维和修辞表演，切实为重建乌克兰及更大范围的和平做出努力，是拒绝一切强人政治与国家霸权、从根本上破除任何战争幻想。

 

中国大陆的一群国际主义者，2022年3月1日